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49. From Paul L. Poirot (September 11, 1952)
It is not clear to me why the details of a valun banking
system are included at all in your presentation. Does that not
presume an impossible insight into the results of freedom?
Let us say, for example, that I am in theoretical opposition
to our public highway system; I would prefer privately owned and
controlled roads. Must I presume to know how or where or why or
when individuals would voluntarily develop a system of highways?
Or shall I leave that development to the voluntary efforts of
individuals, some of whom are more facile than others? The question,
I suppose, is one of strategy: How can I best persuade others
to give private roads a trial?
Private money must be a credit instrument, a promissory note,
for which some individual assumes responsibility. I can issue
a promissory note without a bank's signature. I cannot circulate
it as money except among those who have faith in my productive
capacity, in my ability to deliver the promised goods or services.
Within the trading circle of my immediate family, we use such
a system, based upon unwritten "scrip" and un-worded
"promises." Credit is sought and received and honored
strictly on the basis of personal acquaintance. Is there any other
way of promoting the use of private money within a larger social
circle than the family, except on that basis of faith in the individual?
A man's money cannot possibly be any better than his word—his
honest effort to redeem his promises.
I can see how voluntary credit insurance might be a profitable
business adjunct of a private monetary system. I might well elect
to patronize a bank which specialized in character reading and
insuring the credit of individuals, just as I now buy term insurance
to cover my outstanding debts. Certainly, I would prefer to "shop
around" among competing bankers for that particular service,
just as I now shop for life insurance or any other commodity or
service. I would abhor a universally acceptable valun if I thought
it depended upon, or might somehow lead to the development of,
a single central bank or credit clearing house. I am trying to
say that I do not care to know in advance precisely how the valun
banking system might develop under private enterprise. But I am
sure we could depend upon private competitive enterprise to coordinate
and blend into a workable arrangement a series of individually
developed and originally highly variable valuns.
I should not attempt to offer an exhaustive list of the means
to be followed toward the end of perfecting a private monetary
system. For to attempt such a thing would be in itself a denial
of faith in individuality and private enterprise. Let the best
man work out the best means.
To Paul L. Poirot (September 15, 1952)
If we assume that the money issuer's commitment is a promise,
we, of course, involve a moral question. But the money issuing
act does not involve a promise, and hence there is no moral element
involved. Therefore, there is no need of having the act of money
creation underwritten by credit insurance. The reciprocating action
of the private enterprise money issuer, i.e. his compulsion to
bid for money with his goods or services, as against his bidding
for goods or services with money, makes the involvement of a promise
entirely gratuitous, and, in fact, irrelevant, since there is
no identification of creditor and debtor in the act of creating
money. The promissory note that is customarily required by bankers
from the "borrower" involves no loan of money. It is
but the initial step in the creation of new money, which is not
actually created until the "borrowers'" draft upon the
"loan" is accepted in the market in exchange for values.
Even then, there is no credit since the acceptor of the draft
does not know whether it is drawn against black ink or red ink.
There is, in the commercial sense of the word, no credit involved
in money creation. Commercial credit involves a specific creditor
and a specific debtor, and arises out of the transfer by the creditor
to the debtor of goods or services or already existing money.
Though it is not recognized by the users of money, there is implicit
in the monetary system a faith that none will be admitted to the
issue power other than private enterprisers, who, for the reason
stated above, keep the redemption power in constant balance with
the issue power.
In the valun plan there is free competition among the banks in
the system. Some may operate under a broad credit policy, others
under a narrow one. Some may operate by the present practice of
requiring "borrowers'" notes, some by merely allowing
overdrafts. Some may charge interest while others may depend upon
service charges, or both. Voluntary associations of workers or
other groups might organize a bank. Does this not give the flexibility
and freedom of competition that you seek?
The plan not only provides for competition within the system
but also recognizes that the system as a whole must be exposed
to competition and that it cannot grow into a universal system
unless it responds to men's impulses for freedom of action. Other
than the exclusive use of the name valun, there is nothing
monopolistic about the plan. All its procedures are subject to
the crucible of competition; it cannot begin as a universal system
but must earn that status.
From Paul L. Poirot (September 16, 1952)
The step of running the valuns through a theoretical bank
seems unnecessary to me; all the bank does is to endorse a personal
note, giving it negotiability. The original signer is still responsible,
as a debtor, to redeem his promise, no matter who finally appears
as his creditor. Any responsible person could serve the banking
function of insuring the creditor against the debtor's default.
That is strictly a business service. Let any enterpriser do it.
Call him a banker if you please, but all he really does is endorse
a promissory note. I can't see how you get to the point of view
that valun holdings do not reflect the extension of credit to
the original signer of a promissory note. Either the banker or
the ultimate creditor—the person who finally claims redemption
—extends the credit. But credit it is, or so it seems to
me, involving persons who trust one another.
To Paul L. Poirot (September 19, 1952)
Commercial credit is a relationship of a specific creditor
and specific debtor, arising out of the transference of some value.
It rests on faith in the moral responsibility and competence of
the debtor, whose default inflicts loss on the creditor.
Banking credit, on the other hand, or money-creating
credit, is social—without specific creditor or debtor.
It is the money-creating process. It arises from an implicit compact
among a group of traders to honor the requisitions of one another
that conform to the rules of the monetary system as administered
by a central bookkeeper and credit administrator, commonly called
a bank. Its operation is as follows:
- The bank establishes a drawing account for the prospective
money issuer by entering a sum on its ledger. This is called
a loan, but involves no transfer of money or value by the bank.
It involves no deduction from the resources of either the bank
or its depositors. In fact, it manifests itself as an increase
in total deposits.
- The "borrower" draws a draft upon his drawing account
and tenders it to a trader who delivers value therefore. This
exchange constitutes the issuance of money by the "borrower"-buyer
and backing of the money by the seller, who becomes a creditor,
not of the money issuer but of all the traders in the monetary
system. The money issuer becomes debtor to the monetary system.
- The money circulates, and thus creditor is replaced by creditor
until it finds a customer for the issuer, who then returns value
in exchange for the value received in the initial exchange.
The money is thus retired.
Throughout the whole process, there has been no credit in the
commercial sense of the word. The banker gave no money or other
value. The "borrower," with the acceptance of his draft
by the seller, created the money. If the "loan" should
be defaulted, the banker would lose nothing, because he would
merely distribute the deficit over the accounts of all his depositors
through his charges for service. Nor would this constitute a loss
to them because, but for the monetary system, trading would have
to be by barter, and that would be a real loss.
All parties to a monetary system are either creditors (those
who have surpluses) or debtors (those who have bought more than
they have sold) of the whole system, but no individual is creditor
or debtor to any other individual. There is no moral factor involved
in money issuance, because the issuer acts as a redeemer of money
by merely following his acquisitive instincts. He is eager to
exchange his goods or services for money, for it is by this process
that he gains his profit. To do otherwise would be to boycott
himself. He may fail to "make" money and thus fail to
act as a money redeemer, but, if so, it is contrary to his intentions.
But does the moral factor enter at no point in a monetary system?
It enters very profoundly if the actors know what they are doing.
Alas, all participants in the monetary system, as well as the
politicians who make the rules, are innocent of infidelity to
the basic faith upon which the system rests. This faith is the
unwritten and unconscious pact that exists between the banker
and the whole group of trader participants. It resides in the
observance of the rule that none but private competitive enterprisers
be admitted to the money issuing power. This observed, the monetary
system automatically functions for good only. Ignored or contempted,
it just as automatically miscarries.
From Paul L. Poirot (October 2, 1952)
I’m still confused as to the difference between commercial
credit and bank credit. You seem to be saying that it is possible
somehow for everyone to trust everybody without your first trusting
me, and vice versa. I would concede that a banker might be a highly
useful promoter of this ideal of mutual trust, but doesn't his
value in this respect depend entirely upon his personal assumption
and fulfillment of responsibilities? I can’t see that the
mere presence of a banker automatically relieves all debtors of
their responsibilities and all creditors of their fears of loss.
If obligations are outstanding, it strikes me that they must be
assessed against some individual.
To Paul Poirot (October 9, 1952)
Your effort to understand the social nature of money credit as
contrasted with bilateral credit may be cleared up if you will
ask yourself this question: What becomes of the "losses"
or "charge-offs" in the banking business? Are they borne
by the bank or included in the costs of doing business and therefore
borne by the bank's customers?
To be sure, if these items become excessive, the bank may be
unable to pass them on to its customers, since its charges for
services might not meet competition. There is an optimum point
at which the charge-off percentage is neither too large, reflecting
laxity, nor too small, reflecting ultra conservatism. This point
can be arrived at only by free competition among banks, a condition
that has not existed under the politically controlled monetary
system with its many provisions of capital and surplus requirements
and, above all, by reason of the limitation of currency supply.
Banks, incidentally, do not fail because of insolvency, but rather
because of their inability to meet sudden and enlarged demands
for currency. This limitation is purely gratuitous, as there is
no sound reason for the distinction between check money and currency
money.
From Paul L. Poirot (October 10, 1952)
The multilateral credit media to which you refer means to
me that many persons have collaborated in its creation. In other
words, a lot of people may agree that it's all right for me to
trade with valuns, if I choose. But it seems to me that the multi-lateral
arrangement ends there. I can't understand how private money or
credit can be anything other than bilateral. One responsible person
grants credit which another responsible person has requested.
If this credit instrument is then negotiable, that doesn't make
it multilateral; it just substitutes one debtor or one creditor
for another, still leaving only two persons directly involved.
The original credit instrument may go through hundreds of hands
in that fashion, promoting one trade after another, but never
are more than two persons directly involved at any given stage
o f this process.
To Paul L. Poirot (October 18, 1952)
You are quite right in your statement that "The multilateral
credit media … means … that many persons have collaborated
in its creation … but never are more than two persons directly
involved at any given stage of the process."
In other words, monetary media move by the displacement of creditor
after creditor until they are retired by the issuer-debtor, there
being at all times one creditor and one debtor. But the creditor's
claim and the issuer-debtor's are vis-à-vis the market
and not between two individuals, both of whose identities are
merged in the compound which is called social credit. Failure
of the issuer-debtor to retire an equal number of monetary units,
by his sale of goods or services, imposes a cost on the whole
body of exchange participants. These costs are distributed to
all the exchange participants through the charges rendered for
banking services.
These costs, however, are not losses to anyone, because they
are the price for escaping the much greater cost of doing business
by the whole-barter method. The method of finding the optimum
of such costs is competition among banks, since they are reflected
in the charges that banks must make for their services to their
customers.
This virtuous social credit process is inherent in any monetary
system; it is, in fact, the criterion thereof. Unseen and unsung,
it has gone on raising man’s living standards and will continue
to do so unless it be overcome by the antisocial counterfeiting
practices of governments, than which there could be no greater
calamity.
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