| 11. To the
editor of Money (August, 1945)
July Money carries a letter by George A. Startup addressed
to me in which he states, "Please stop trying to confuse
the people more by talking about money to be issued by private
enterprisers."
To avoid confusion, let me summarize. Broadly speaking, there
are now three schools of monetary thought: a) those who denounce
government money issue and bend the knee to the banks; b) those
who denounce the banks and bend the knee to the government; c)
those who denounce both banks and government and bend the knee
to nobody, while asserting the exclusive right of the citizen
to issue money to negotiate his exchanges.
Mr. Startup is of the second, and I am of the third. Those who
like to bend the knee to some power will choose the first or second
school. Those who are self-reliant, self-assertive, and have private
initiative, all typically American qualities, will align with
the third group, leaving those of the first two groups to fight
each other.
However, I must remind Mr. Startup that in the battle of the
knee-benders, neither side can quote the Constitution in its support.
It is not true, as Mr. Startup states, that "the Constitution
places the power to issue money in the monopoly of the federal
government." Article 1, Section 8, states that Congress shall
have the power "to coin money and regulate the value thereof
and of foreign coin." Thus the exercise of the power is optional
and not mandatory. Nothing is said about exclusive power or monopoly.
There is nowhere any prohibition against the people issuing money.
It is true, that such money could not be made legal tender without
government sanction, since the state governments are forbidden
to make anything but federal coins legal tender. But legal tender
is immaterial, since even the government accepts checks in payment
of taxes.
The same section quoted above also provides that Congress shall
have power "to borrow money on the credit of the United States."
Here is another optional power. Congress can issue or not, borrow
or not; so, both groups of knee-benders can call theirs "Constitutional
money." In other words, "Constitutional money"
doesn't mean anything. The only possible unconstitutional money
would be an issue by a state government as legal tender.
Let's not muddy the waters by misquoting and misusing the Constitution,
which is perfectly neutral in this fight. We are all free to align
ourselves with any of the three schools. The third school (private
enterprise money) has the advantage in that it doesn't have to
pass a law or engage in politics. It depends upon voluntary cooperation.
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